1866: Purman's first year as Freedman's Bureau agent

Hamilton had already completed one of the major tasks of the Bureau agents by approving labor contracts at the beginning of the year. Purman joined Hamilton in attention to the remaining primary functions of the Bureau. One goal was to promote the creation of schools for black children. Their main success was in Marianna where they supported an embattled, but thriving, school originally organized by U.S. troops in 1865. Purman was very impressed by the eagerness of the freedmen for education, writing that "They are zealous in every pursuit of, intelligence, and the desire they have for the education of their children is as unexpected as it is truly laudable."

Purman was less impressed, however, by George Bramman, the northern-born white teacher already ensconced in Marianna, describing him as "not a proper person, qualified either by education or disposition, to fulfill the duty. He is not even acquainted with the rudiments of common education, and yet he plays the teacher, preacher, and oracle to these superstitious people, living with, and associating exclusively with them. The chief success of his teachings seems to be in promoting discontent and enmity between the black and white classes of the community. I would recommend his dismissal as a fermenter of mischief and as a very ignorant man."

A ugly series of confrontations and accusations ensued, bringing in the intervention of the state's superintendent of education. After charges that he was overly close with the black community, Bramman reversed himself, adopting to the prejudices of the white community. Finally, after an embarrassing incident at the July 4th celebration, Bramman alienated the black community and was driven out. Hamilton and Purman replaced him with a local woman who agreed to teach.

It is difficult to assess the significance of the confrontation with Bramman. Were Purman and Hamilton merely motivated by their displeasure with his poor qualifications? Purman's descriptions suggests they were equally bothered by his influence over the black community. Did they consider him a rival for the loyalty or affection of the black community? Hamilton and Purman were certainly willing to incur white hatred for their efforts in promoting the legal rights of blacks (which did not include voting at this point). Was Bramman teaching more radical ideas? Did the dispute with Bramman preview divisions later to emerge between "moderate" Republicans (with whom Purman allied initially allied himself) and "radical" Republican in Florida politics. It is impossible to know since we have no evidence of Bramman's views and whether his promotion of "discontent and enmity" between the races stemmed from preaching social and political equality, and not merely the assertion of legal rights.

The agents other efforts in 1866 were focused on encouraging and preserving the free-labor system. They soon found frustration in this arena as they recognized that some employers were inclined to take advantage of their freedmen laborers and these laborers could find no recourse in the biased local court system. Any efforts by the agents to intervene on behalf of cheated freedmen risked violent resistance by white planters. Purman dryly observed that Bureau regulations directed the agents "to divide the crop according to contracts in all cases of dispute or difficulty between employers and employees, but under present circumstances it is the conviction of this humble Agent that the performance of this duty, singlehanded, throughout this unreconstructed section, would be decidedly dangerous and “unhealthy.”" Violent attacks against freedmen by whites similarly went unpunished. In vain, Purman wrote to his superiors that "the ready prosecution of all who maltreat freedmen, or deny their rights, will exert a salutary restraining influence upon others, and, no doubt, will before long, effect a great diminution of this barbarous spirit which is now only too ready to inflict the most shameful treatment on the least whim or custom, or provocation whatever."

Purman was further frustrated by cooperation among court officers and local law enforcement not only to deny blacks their contractual rights, but to target and punish them disproportionately. "It is clearly evident that a disposition prevails among these petty magistrates and the people of their respective communities, to colleague and prevent as far as possible all prosecutions against white persons, however just and necessary; and to watch every freedman with a lynx-eyed scrutiny, and on the slightest pretext arraign him before the authorities, and visit him with the extremest penalty of the law."

In a sentence about unjust employers that could equally apply to his observations of the white community generally during his first year in the Bureau, Purman wrote that "The old formulas of slavery are yet too deeply rooted, and the proper ideas of freedom, justice, and civil rights are slow, in gaining admission into the sentiments and conduct of the employers."